Weblog of the Sydney Traditionalist Forum
As this summary of issues for 2018 is being drafted, possibly the biggest event on the political landscape is the Government shutdown threatened by US President Donald Trump should Congress not approve funding for his promised Border Wall with Mexico. This is particularly noteworthy as it rides on the tail of the Republican thrashing in their Midterm elections and the successive wave of migrant caravans that have been testing the President’s sincerity and resolve over the past year. Outrage at Trump’s apparent ineffectiveness in delivering core electoral promises to his base has been pronounced in recent months. But after the rape and murder of Mollie Tibbetts by Cristhian Rivera, and the sickeningly PC reaction of her family to this emblematic crime, that base has made itself clear: either action is taken, or in the words of Anne Coulter, Trump risks turning his administration into “a joke presidency”. Demographic change and electoral politics have for too long been considered separate issues within ‘polite’ society, but their inextricable connection under the rising spectre of tribalism and identity is becoming increasingly difficult to deny: while the Black employment rate in the US has never been higher, and decades of ‘outreach’ notwithstanding, the beneficiaries of these reforms did not turn out to support candidates of the party that delivered them hope of economic prosperity. But as mainstream conservatives continue to resist realising the obvious, the left spares no effort in prosecuting its cause.
It seems like every year now can be described as a period of “progressive” accelerationism. Even with the growth of dissident forces, whether among the grass roots or within the halls of established power, the limits of leftist agitation continue to be pushed further into the extremes of public acceptability. As these new frontiers are claimed for the latest battlefields of the radical vanguard, absurd contradictions increasingly define the political and cultural zeitgeist. In a year peppered by moral panics over the welfare of women (note the White Ribbon Campaign, so-called ‘rape culture’ etc) we saw crowds cheer and journalists report, without an once of irony, how transvestite male boxers and wrestlers are now routinely beating women in the sporting ring. Witness also British medical ethics at work in 2018: one doctor, Vaishnavy Laxman is allowed to return to medical practice after decapitating a baby in utero, while another doctor, David Mackereth is sacked for stating that gender is determined at birth. That, of course, is not the only example of punitive measures used to enforce a seemingly incomprehensible application of the new standards at work in civil and professional society; others will be explored at some length in what follows. But if this past year is to be uniquely defined by anything, it is this: values-defined Cold War fusionist conservatism has become undeniably bankrupt in its ability to deal with contemporary social problems, and the strictly binary interpretation of the political spectrum has become meaningless, irrelevant to the search for solutions to those problems.
As is often the case, trends overseas influence and inform our own social and political developments here in Australia. 2018 was no exception. It is therefore not surprising that some of the key events that have directed the course of our own civilisation here in the Anglo Antipodes, or at least brought important questions to mind about the direction our civilisation is trending, have originated from the United States and Western Europe. The bankruptcy and irrelevance of the establishment uniparty’s modes of thought has perhaps been most clearly illustrated by their inability to appreciate or understand the growing force of identity politics throughout the West. While not a uniquely defining feature of 2018, identitarianism (whether explicit or implicit) left its mark throughout the year on the political, legal and cultural spheres. Two public appearances this year by US TV personality Tucker Carlson were illustrative.
The first, a discussion with neoconservative Ben Shapiro, concerned the plight of the US Middle Class (which has been correctly pointed out by both the left and the dissident right as coded language for White America). Shapiro attempted to check-mate Carlson with the rhetorical question that assumed a ‘good conservative’ would never stand in the way of innovation, and that automation should therefore be embraced despite its impact on employment rates in certain industries. “Are you kidding me?” was Carlson’s reply, stressing that the social costs of such moves can be far too dear and should never be acceptable to any responsible government. The second public appearance was a debate with democratic socialist Cenk Uygur. Here Carlson made an impassioned plea for government to address the issue of news and online social media concentration, the growing power of transnational corporations, and the threat this represents to core liberties without which democratic civil society cannot and will not exist in the long term. Uygur struggled, and failed, to respond substantively. And how could he? Remaining true to his principles would require that he agree. But that would be out of the question, because it’s 2018, not 1968, and with the almost complete convergence of the corporate sector with the Social Justice agenda, this problem is now almost uniquely an ideological concern of the right.
The innovation embraced by Shapiro is merely a semantic iteration of blind progress, and the laissez faire ideology it accompanies has so dominated establishment conservatism that it is now virtually indistinguishable from the Marxist left in its corrosive impact on traditional society. Ironically however, it is this particularist (ie implicitly identitarian) defence of the traditional order that has usurped the moral force of the democratic socialist left, because The Particularist is the Last Man Standing in defence of the concrete: the local community. The absence of this approach in public policy leaves a volatile vacuum that is far too easily filled by aggressive reaction (witness some of the cruder elements of the “alternative right”) or self-destruction. The latter was best exemplified this year by the tragic case of Richard Russell, described by family as a “broken man”, who hijacked a plane for a joy ride before crashing it into a forest. His last words, when contemplating his future: “Yeah right! Nah, I’m a white guy”. What does a future of automation, free trade and ‘diversity’ offer this man? 2018 therefore ends with the final moral expiry of those political currents that dominated the late twentieth century’s so-called ‘battle of ideas’, a battle they have both lost.
Unfortunately, while this shift in perspective is slowly making its way to our shores, our own elite here in Australia don’t seem to be catching on. Seemingly seismic changes to the political landscape, such as the Prime Ministerial coup that saw the eviction of liberal Malcolm Turnbull by neoliberal Scott Morrison earlier this year, do not appear to make any significant changes to the elite’s moral rulebook; and fashionable distractions such as the recent calls for female quotas in parliament serve only to muddy the public debate. The outlook remains the same. Self-described ‘principled’ ‘conservative’ ‘outsiders’ like Mark Latham and Miranda Devine have routinely denounced identity politics with little appreciation that the society they wish to preserve can only be salvaged by reference to what it is, who built it, as well as how and why. But those questions are now always proxies for the defence of the foundational people, the settler class, Middle Australia, its legacy and heritage without which the ‘values’ so revered by TrueCons simply would not exist. Consider this: in 2018 our federal parliament voted on a motion that “It’s OK to be White”, introduced by Senator Pauline Hanson (One Nation). Remarkably, it was defeated by a narrow margin of 31 to 28. But that defeat was not enough. The political embarrassment was so great to the Government (which is ostensibly right-of-centre) that the House had to reconvene so it could be buried with greater force. Such is the depth of this pathology.
Be that as it may, this year was Senator Fraser Anning’s maiden speech in Parliament, and therefore the first exposition of a principled vision of contemporary national conservatism in Australian politics: he referred to Henry Parks and the “crimson thread of kinship” shared with the founding fathers. On the other side of the divide, there have been renewed calls for moving Australia Day, as well as calls for the creation of Corroberee Day to specifically cater to the Indigenous population. As with the incongruous treatment of Vaishnavy and Mackareth, the moral schizophrenia of the status quo is again on display, only here with regard to the politics of identity. Thus the struggle over cultural and historical narratives shows no signs of abating this year. Indeed, it rages on throughout the world: while statues commemorating Confederate history continue to be vandalised and removed from public view in the United States, Poland passed a law this year to remove monuments celebrating the Red Army’s triumph and occupation of Central Europe, and Ghana removed a statue of Ghandi on the grounds that the Mahatma was an anti-Black racist. These struggles over monuments and memory echo deep into the political theology of the modern state, and no aspect of its administrative apparatus is spared. Let us look at some of the events of the past year where these echoes can be heard.
Was this the year that British authorities finally responded to the horrors of Rotherham, where over 1,400 young British children were groomed by Middle Eastern gangs for sexual exploitation and where local councils covered up these crimes for fear of being labelled racist? Well, not quite, as similar horrors continue to be uncovered throughout Albion; most recently in Telford, where victims were molested since the 80s and where council authorities did nothing because the victims were thought to be prostitutes. The decades leading up to 2018 have therefore seen the Mother Country’s society degenerate to the point that the difference between an abused minor and a “sex worker” is now a source of confusion to its ancient and venerable public service. This was the year when Aaron Dugmore, a nine year old boy, committed suicide after being bullied by “Asian students” in his school in Birmingham. According to the Daily Mail, Dugmore “was bullied for being White”, and that “despite complaints to the school, nothing was done to stop the bulling.” This was the youngest suicide recorded in Britain to date.
This year community activist Tommy Robinson was gaoled for reporting on the sentencing of those found guilty of a previous child grooming syndicate and incarcerated in a prison with a high Muslim inmate ratio; following an international outcry, Robinson was released on appeal with the judge stating that the sentencing was “a fundamentally flawed process, in what we recognise were difficult and unusual circumstances.” Indeed. A different but somewhat related form of gang violence has likewise made its presence felt in Ireland: this year the residents of Lusk were forced into lockdown as a hundred African youth rampaged through the town throwing stones and committing unprovoked assaults against people and property. The government – naturally – was more concerned about a public retaliation that never materialised, than preventing the conditions that foster this turn of events, which the media – naturally – dare not call racist. In Germany, its Supreme Court rejected an anti-Child Marriage law as “unconstitutional”, and a new product was put on the market that accommodates to the changing social and cultural conditions of the modern state: rape proof pants. Of course, the “enrichment” of the rest of the European Continent west of the river Oder continues apace.
Not to be outdone, Melbourne has become our flagship city with which we can compete against other major Western metropolises besieged internally by the stupidity of their idiocrat political class. A social pastime known in the US as the ‘knockout game’ seems to have come to the capital of Victoria – how it came there, nobody knows, or dares ask (nobody, that is, who values their job and social standing). In an echo of the US “roof Korean” phenomenon of years past, video footage was widely circulated of Melbournian Vietnamese shop owners dispensing vigilante justice (or as some might call it: direct democratic action) against gangs of thieves which the local uniformed authorities have proven inept in controlling, and which the suited political class has allowed to import from the Dark Continent. The social pathology these events represent wasn’t mentioned once by the not-explicitly-leftist Opposition in Victoria’s recent state elections. Of course, and unsurprisingly, the Opposition lost. Meanwhile, an epidemic of ‘diversity bollards’ (aka ‘bollards of peace’) seems to have spread from our southern neighbour to Sydney: pre-emptively incorporated into the urban design of George Street’s light rail project outside the Queen Victoria Building. One wonders whether our betters in the Town Hall know something we don’t (unlikely). What was that they keep telling us about ‘diversity’ and ‘strength’?
This was the year that independent journalists Katie Hopkins and Lauren Southern traveled to South Africa to try to raise awareness about a humanitarian crisis that is in plain sight for everyone to see, but which has been blissfully ignored by anyone who might be in a position of power or influence to do something about it. Some in Australia however have taken notice. NSW State Upper House MP Fred Nile (Christian Democrats) moved a motion calling on the federal government to take action to relieve the suffering of those White and Boer farmers who have been targeted by ANC backed ethnic cleansing. That motion was later heavily amended (rendering it largely symbolic) but ultimately passed by the State Parliament. Meanwhile the Commonwealth Minister for Immigration and Border Protection, Peter Dutton (Liberal) indicated that he would consider expedited visas for the victimised farmers, before being contradicted by the government, which claimed that Australia’s immigration policy would never be “discriminatory”. The farm killings of course continue, as does the silence of Western political elites and their press apologists – but we are expected to believe that that’s OK, because at least we’ve avoided being “discriminatory”. Obviously, not all genocides are equal, and our intentionally blind political and cultural leaders can therefore congratulate themselves for being Very Good People motivated by all the Correct Ideas.
2018 was the year that existence online became even more precarious. This year Facebook was found to have allowed Cambridge Analytica to use the personal data of up to 50 million users, without their consent, for the benefit of non-leftist causes. The social media platform’s founder, Mark Zuckerberg dumped $1.14 million shares only weeks before news of the scandal hit the press. We are forced to wonder whether this was the only instant when user’s metadata was used without their consent, and for a political purpose, and if not, why this example seems to have captivated the commentariat’s attention. This year we witnessed the Tech Censorship hearings in the US, proving that most of the political class is hopelessly inept at keeping the oligarchs of cyberspace to account, and that no real regulatory accountability exists for the online gatekeepers of news, information and political speech. Nevertheless, President Donald Trump blasted social media platforms and search engine Google for actively misleading and disenfranchising users who hold right-of-centre opinions. However, as we move towards the first hours of 2019, there is no mention whether or not the President will use anti-trust legislation to breakup corporations such as Twitter and Facebook on the grounds that they constitute public utilities and are being operated in a politically partisan manner.
This year, a petition to “Save Net Neutrality” was signed by over two and a half million individuals, and Congressman Louie Gohmert introduced a bill that would remove liability protections from social media companies that use algorithms to hide, promote or filter content. Yet the coordinated deplatforming of prominent dissidents, including such disparate personalities as Alex Jones and Gavin McInnis continued unabated, as does the shadow-banning of accounts that counter accepted dogmas or challenge the prevailing orthodoxies. Black conservative activist Candice Owens was suspended from Twitter for tweeting comments that were exactly the same as those tweeted by Sarah Jeong, with the only change being a substitution of the word “White” with “Jewish”. And of course, there’s Sarah Jeong herself, who built a social media brand by gleefully mocking the decline of White Men (some might say genocide, if her targets were any other member of the Rainbow Coalition) before being… appointed to the editorial board of the New York Times. This year, leaks from the tech industry continue to illustrate that many of these companies have explicitly attempted to “bury” conservative voices online, specifically to prevent a repeat of the narrative busting impact of online freedom of speech witnessed in 2015 and 2016, which lead to the election of Donald Trump and assisted in other populist campaigns such as the elusive Brexit. In 2018, the Stasi-like disappearing of inconvenient activists expanded to their ostracision from internet payment platforms, thus preventing many from deriving any livelihood from their online business. It was also the year that populist activist Andrew Dobson was driven to suicide after being doxxed and subjected to a stream of abuse from progressives bonhommes. It was the year that Twitter censored content that violated Pakistani blasphemy law. But 2018 was notable also for who and what was allowed to remain in the public domain: the pre-teen drag queen known by the name of “Desmond is Amazing” continues to be promoted by online and legacy media. Despite the new found sensitivity to child abuse (particularly if committed by or in Christian institutions) this obvious example of child exploitation (if not grooming) does not seem to have roused much concern among the social justice inspired commentariat.
The bankruptcy of contemporary libertarianism was this year further highlighted when online ostracision extended also to alternative platforms dedicated to free speech, such as GAB: the events of the past year showed that calls to build your own infrastructure by the individualist freedom-frontists simply do not provide an adequate solution to the modern culture of enforced totschweigen. 2018 was possibly the year of the first shooting attributed to an aggrieved social media user. Youtuber Nasim Aghdam, disgruntled for having the company allegedly “filter” and restrict her content, took a gun to its San Bruno campus, wounding several people before turning it on herself. Readers need not be reminded that California is a high gun control state. This year also saw the raiding of a New Mexico compound in which abused children were allegedly being trained to carry out school shootings. According to CNN the compound was connected to Imam Siraj Wahhaj, who was the first Imam to deliver a prayer in the House of Representatives and also provided a character reference to the convicted 1993 World Trade Centre boming mastermind, Omar Abdel-Rahman. Why this story received so little press in 2018 remains a mystery.
This year the European Union effectively banned memes by making it illegal to use popular images in ironic online communication, in a measure that putatively aimed to protect intellectual property rights. It was also the year when the ‘NPC’ (non playing character) meme took the mantle of the most biting critique of the progressive mindlessness within popular mainstream opinion. The rate at which accounts using or associated with it were suspended from social media was unprecedented, as those targeted by the NPC meme claimed it was “dehumanising” – all the while populists, conservatives and critics of progressive modernity continue to be slandered, doxxed, unpersoned, stalked and harassed online, without a skerrick of concern from the soi-disant corporate egalitarians like Zuckerberg, Jack Dorsey et al. In 2018, rightist dissidents appropriated sporting mascot Gritty, turning it into a humorous vehicle with which to ‘troll’ its erstwhile creators. The obese, hirsute and orange biped was featured on an AntiFa flag, thus providing the necessary trigger for what followed. The New Yorker admitted that Gritty “does look a bit like an addled version of Karl Marx, or a deranged Fidel Castro” but added that “there is, of course, nothing especially progressive, socialist, or anti-fascist about him”. Indeed. The obese, hirsute and orange biped has since been espousing hate-facts and other heresies with a relish not seen since ‘Pepe’ graced online fora in the first ‘Meme War’ of 2015-2016.
The witch-hunting of contrarians was not limited to cyberspace in 2018; many public personalities suffered under the cross-haired spotlight of virtue-signallers busy rooting out iniquity wherever they thought it might hide. But the past year was also a wasteland strewn with collateral damage, as victims appear to have been as easily discarded if no longer useful to the latest Crusade for Progress. Consider the Missing Persons list of 2018: the women who accused Donald Trump, the women who accused Roy Moore, the women who accused Judge Kavanaugh; as this year draws to a close, these hapless individuals have vanished without a trace, and the intrepid investigative reporters of the fifth estate seem to have lost interest in their stories. Judge Kavanaugh, incidentally, was finally confirmed as the next US Supreme Court Justice, shortly before siding with Court liberals in rejecting an appeal to block funding to Planned Parenthood: so much for the utility of ‘principled’ conservatism. Meanwhile, the “MeToo” movement continues to claim scalps across the globe, including here in Australia, where a spate of inconvenient individuals have seen themselves placed under the inquisitorial spotlight on no more than a mere accusation, from Geoffrey Rush to the State Labor leader Luke Foley. Likewise, the destruction of celebrity careers has accelerated in 2018: Kevin Spacey’s recent, and perhaps last film, sold less than 20 tickets on its opening night and garnered an amusing $126 (that’s one hundred and twenty six dollars) after unsavoury accusations surfaced about his off-screen conduct. “Coming out” and claiming he himself was the victim of his naatzee father was evidently insufficient to mitigate the damage to his social and professional brand. Others, however, have been luckier in the past year: most notably, Harvey Weinstein, who despite leaving a trail of aggrieved women and ficus plants in his wake, remains a free and well-connected man. Another target of progressive outrage has been our George Cardinal Pell, outspoken proponent of traditional values, who in December was found guilty of sexual abuse, but who is expected to appeal the verdict, which has itself been subject of vigorous criticism from the establicon commentariat. We expect that this will be a major story in the coming months of 2019.
This year was also marked by other legal battles overseas that merit attention. It was the year when James Fields, after spending some sixteen months in gaol, finally stood trial for the first degree murder of Heather Heyer, was found guilty on all counts and given a sentence of life plus 419 years in prison. Readers will recall from last year’s annual summary that Fields was charged by authorities after his car collided with a group of violent AntiFa ‘protesters’ who were blocking exits and thoroughfares at the chaotic end to the 2016 Charlottesville “Unite the Right” Rally. The rally was organised to protest the removal and desecration of historic Confederate statues in the American South, and the demographic problems associated by the people who felt targeted by the iconoclasm. Despite a court order that the organisers had a right to host the event, local authorities did not comply with their obligations to keep order and protect the attendees’ rights of lawful assembly and speech: police failed to separate the attendees from elements who arrived to disrupt proceedings, and in some cases actively conducted the opposing crowds towards each other. Attempting to exit the ensuing anarchy, Fields’ car was besieged by a mob that blocked its exit and attacked it with various blunt weapons; one AntiFa member (and college professor!) Dwayne Dixon later boasted on social media that he threatened some of the rally’s attendees with an automatic weapon shortly before Fields fateful entrapment in the backstreet.
Fields’ car collided with one group of these ‘protesters’, which were routinely described as “joyous” (and not violent) in court proceedings, causing Heyer to suffer a fatal cardiac arrest. Evidence adduced in court, ostensibly to prove intent and premeditation, included a meme Fields posted online showing a car driving into a crowd. Since at least the brutal bashing of Reginald Denny (who was dragged and beaten unconscious by rioters in Los Angeles in 1992) mainstream and ‘normie’ conservatives have frequently posted similar images and expressed similar sentiments vis-à-vis radical protesters blocking traffic. Yet the jury and the court seemed to have interpreted the publication of this meme at face value, striped of all cultural and contextual meaning. Evidence also showed that Fields demonstrated remorse after the accident, that he was in fact covered in urine when apprehended by the authorities (which was joyously thrown at him by the joyous ‘protesters’) and that the police initially held the death to have been an accident. Despite all of this, in the months leading up to the trial and conviction, the media (as well as members of the Trump Administration, and President Trump himself) repeatedly called him a “murderer” and a “domestic terrorist” who was motivated by racial hatred and who came to the rally with the intention to commit acts of violence.
By contrast, 2018 also saw a fatality in the chaos that ensued with the Yellow Vest protests in France. In a remarkable change of mood and attitude, the international press has universally described that incident as an “accident”, and the perpetrator who drove his car into a crowd of protesters as being “in a state of shock” and “panicking” at the time of the collision – though he wasn’t being pursued, and he wasn’t threatened with a firearm. It’s also worth contrasting the Field’s Case with that of Lizzy Grubman, who in 2002 drove a car intentionally into a crowd while yelling “f_ you white trash” (hardly an ambiguous statement of racial animus) injuring 16, leaving the scene of the crime, but who served only 38 days in gaol; or Lakeisha Holloway, who ploughed her car into a sidewalk but was ordered in 2016 to a state mental hospital for evaluation and observation. At this point it might be worth noting also that Eric Clanton (another AntiFa college professor at the Charlottesville rally) who assaulted attendees with a bike lock to the head was given three years’ probation. Today, he is a free man. A maxim of the common law is that justice need not just be done, it need be seen to have been done as well. Can this be said of this case? No, at least on the evidence we have managed to glean from those brave enough to speak out, what we witnessed in the Field’s Case was a modern day judicial lynching, with the races reversed. We look forward to an appeal in 2019, preferably with a competent defence attorney.
2018 was a year in which the race obsessed fixations of the anti-racists was again on display. Between periodic reminders that “race is a social construct”, the mainstream press exploded into cathartic applause at the news that the original inhabitants of the British Isles were in fact dark skinned. Less widely reported was an article in The New Scientist that the findings concerning the so-called “Cheddar Man” were “uncertain” and that “we are not even close to knowing the skin colour of any ancient human.” Speculative findings reported as fact? Well, only if those findings are narrative compliant. This was the year that Starbucks Coffee was forced to comply with that narrative by allowing homeless people to use their restrooms and sit indefinitely in the areas ordinarily reserved for patrons, because prohibiting them would be racist. In perhaps one of the year’s most entertaining trolls, a Trump supporting non-leftist Black man, Hotep Jesus filmed himself demanding that staff at a local Starbucks to give him a free beverage as reparations for slavery. Of course he succeeded. Companies like Starbucks simply cannot win, no matter how much closer they get to the core of the progressive singularity. In another event, an employee at an unrelated fast-food restaurant refused service to a group of customers who habitually “ate and ran” without paying. She was the subject of relentless press and social media condemnation for refusing service because the identity of the eat-and-runners was… well, we’ll leave that to the readers’ imagination.
2018 continued to show to the world that people want to live in their own communities, and that only then do they feel collectively secure and avoid the horrors associated with identitarian conflicts. Thus it was the year that the European Union continued to fray, if not politically, then at least morally. The Scottish independence referendum may have failed, but it illustrated just how hollow the calls for cosmopolitan unity in our Brave New World have become. Brexit continues to vex and frustrate the people of the not-so United Kingdom as well as its feckless Tory establishment. The Mayor of London remains a Khan, the new Home Secretary is a Sajid Javid. Whites and Males were specifically excluded from a list of Labour candidates for the safe Labour seat of Lewisham East (London). By many accounts, living in the Old Imperial Capital is no longer the attraction it may have once been for the descendants of those who actually built it. Ireland, once the bastion of Catholicism in Europe, legalised gay marriage and abortion, thus abolishing itself as a nation ruled under natural law, reason and rationality. The Catalan independence movement was crushed by Spain’s central authorities, with evidence of police brutality on the streets and with the democratically elected pro-separatist officials being arrested and gaoled for discharging their duties under their clear electoral mandate (some might call that democracy). The Yellow Vest protests in France have metastasised into a nationwide rebellion that braver commentators have described as pre-revolutionary. Indeed, in the last month of this year, a dozen senior French military officers have denounced President Macron as a “traitor” to his people, a people that the French President has ordered to be beaten and tear gassed into submission.
In 2018, Jair Messias Bolsonaro (aka “Brazil’s Trump”) was assaulted by socialist activist while campaigning in public, continued to campaign from his hospital bed, and won the popular vote to become that country’s current President. This year Matteo Salvini, the Eurosceptic and immigration restrictionist leader of the Northern League was sworn in as Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior, thus contributing to the rising tide of populism on the continent. As this year comes to a close, Yellow Vests have been spotted in Germany and outside the Parliament of the European Union. Guy Verhorfstadt, leader of the so-called “Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe” this year let his mask slip by wildly stating that “why there is such a problem in this crisis, because member states are reluctant to transfer new sovereignty and powers to the Europen Union! And we all know that the only way out of this crisis is a new transfer of powers to the European Union!” The President of the EU Parliament, Jean-Claude Juncker meanwhile continues to appear at official events inebriated and behaving like a caricature of the déclassé riffraff his managerial über-elite privately disdain. In the waning hours of 2018, this managerial über-elite continues to lecture others about so-called ‘European values’ and ‘democracy’. Despite this, in 2018 Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party was re-elected with a supermajority in the Hungarian national parliament. Similarly, Poland’s first provincial elections since the national ascent of its ruling Law and Justice Party saw more than half of its provincial parliaments fall under that party’s control. This year marked the centenary of that nation’s rebirth as a sovereign state, and it celebrated with a rally in Warsaw that was attended by between three hundred thousand to half a million people. Both these countries refused to ratify the UN Migration Pact (and Australia followed suit shortly thereafter). Both countries reject the creation of a continent wide EU army. No citizens have been gassed, gaoled, beaten in the streets or subjected to intentional policies of demographic replacement. No wonder the EU incessantly refers to them as a proto-fascist threat to democracy and European solidarity.
In other geostrategic news of 2018: The US indicated that it will withdraw from the arms control treaty with Russia. Russia tested a supersonic missile ‘defence’ system. The US installed a THAD missile defence system in South Korea. North Korea ramped up its atomic weapons programme before the leaders of both Koreas meet in Singapore to relieve regional tensions. China continues to claim international waters as its sovereign territory, building artificial islands on which military infrastructure has been installed and also increased its political, econimic and military presence in Africa. Kenya defaults on its loans to Beijing, and hands over its port to discharge its new colonial creditors, Zimbabwe’s new Chinese backed government is comfortably reelected, and Chinese investments in South Africa remarkably overlap with areas of high Boer farmland violence. Russian and Ukrainian naval vessels altercate in the Black Sea. The US entertains the concept of building a permanent military base in Poland, provisionally named “Fort Trump”, before announcing it will pull out of Syria and Afghanistan. France and Germany aggressively advocate for the creation of a unified transnational European army. But are we in the “lucky country” blessed with the necessary leadership to see us through these turbulent and fragile times? This year the legal persecution of former Australian Defence Force officer Bernard Gaynor – who has criticised the ADF for its formal involvement in the homosexual Mardi Gras – continues at the hands of vexatious litigants, driving him to near bankruptcy (admittedly with some last minute success at the High Court, and a portent of good things to come in 2019). Meanwhile, the ADF continues to push the gender agenda within its ranks, such as the “100 Days for Change” campaign that involved male officers painting their fingernails pink. Woe to those in uniform who think that our military efforts might be better invested elsewhere – they speak out at their own peril.
This summary will end with two obituaries, both of which hopefully serve as milestones beyond which we may be spared the Freudian Marxism that has brought nothing by misery and anguish to our civilisation this year. In 2018, the rapper who shot a video clip that featured the lynching of a small White boy was himself shot dead while purchasing a motorcycle in Florida. At the time of his death, the orthographically challenged man known as ‘XXXTenacion’ was facing no less than fifteen felony charges, including battery on a pregnant woman. Also this year, the founder of nihilist pornographic ‘protest’ group Femen, Oksana Shachko immanentized her eschaton by committing suicide in her Paris apartment, thus bringing her worldview to its logical conclusion. These two personify the quintessence of the psychologial and moral rot that has infected our culture and people; their departure should be welcomed as a symbol of potential renewal. May the coming year in 2019 bring us the national rebirth that our people so desperately need.
– SydneyTrads Editors.